These pressures and anxieties pushed Australia towards a form of democracy that would satisfy new global expectations of modern nationhood. The vision of an assimilated Australia reflected the international discourse of equality and anti-racism, promised a shield from criticism and kept the nation abreast of international responsibilities. This vision also gave hope to an increasingly jittery and anxious public, who saw in it realisation of some of the principles they had fought for during the war. Nonetheless, the "white nation" status quo continued, and existing patterns of cultural, political and economic dominance and Australian sovereignty went largely unchallenged.
Yet our leaders seriously misjudged world opinion when they took a conservative stand on colonialism and race in international debates, and Australia was condemned by near neighbours in Asia and Africa. We resented the loss of white dominance in the Commonwealth and then sulked when we were excluded from the Bandung Conference of twenty-nine non-aligned Asian, African and Middle Eastern nations in 1955, billed as the "first intercontinental meeting of coloured people in the history of mankind". We tried to keep our race-based immigration policies and discriminatory treatment of indigenous people hidden from world scrutiny, but were criticised in the UN and the world media led by communist Russia and China and new nations in Africa and Asia. The criticisms were couched in race terms, but UN debates also addressed the rights of indigenous peoples and at one point threatened the sovereignty of settler colonies like Australia. Instead, the International Labor Organisation passed the 1957 Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention, which advocated assimilation of indigenous people into nation states as citizens with full rights of citizenship, while retaining some traditional rights to land and culture.
CONSIDERABLY LESS TIME and money was spent promoting Aboriginal assimilation. There was no funding to set up a national infrastructure of prominent community leaders and local citizens; the federal government demurred on the grounds that Aboriginal affairs was a state responsibility and the states cried poor. Of course, the Aboriginal population, estimated in 1950 at 80,000 – 1 per cent of the national total – was tiny compared with the numbers of migrants, but there were important international sensitivities to be considered. Changing entrenched racism to facilitate assimilation was a huge challenge. This Aboriginal assimilation campaign was the first of its kind in Australia, and the only concerted effort before the reconciliation movement of the 1990s. Campaign materials included pamphlets and films with the telling titlesOur Aborigines, Assimilation of Our Aborigines, End of the Walkabout, Fringe Dwellers, The Skills of Our Aborigines, One People and Aborigines and You. The government also endorsed in 1955 the celebration of an annual National Aborigines Day, and two years later appointed a group of senior Protestant church officials to head up the first National Aborigines Day Observance Committee.
The centrepiece of the campaign was the prestigious annual Citizenship Convention, which was attended by up to four hundred prominent political and community leaders. The conventions were a public demonstration of consensus about immigration and its core doctrine of assimilation. At the launching ceremony in 1950, Prime Minister Sir Robert Menzies proclaimed that "a man, woman or child who comes here to settle is either not accepted and is therefore not admitted, or he or she becomes an Australian – a member of this community, a member of our nationality, a member of our brotherhood, and in the best sense of the word, a member of our family". The gatherings were also a channel for information and a rallying place for citizen support. Migrants played only a minor role at the conventions prior to the 1960s, but were invited each year to stage cultural performances once discussions had closed. In the Convention's 1961 tableau We the People, immigrants were woven into its narrative of the nation, which progressed by stages from the first settlers to the gold rushes, Federation, the two world wars, pioneers of aviation, sport stars, and finally migrant contributions to Australian development. Aboriginal people were not mentioned at all.
What might be learned from those who assimilated well that might help groups that did not assimilate as well? How has Black America influenced the dominant culture? In what ways was the Black experience similar to an immigrant experience?
The Madonnas of Echo Park by Brando Skyhorse portrays the terrible effects caused by the slow cultural assimilation of Mexicans in Los Angeles compared to other races.
Write an essay on the topic of ASSIMILATION, using at least FOUR documents from the books The Cherokee Removal (Perdue, 2005) and Talking Back to Civilization Hoxie, 2001). (note – that is four documents total, spread out between the two books).
How you write about assimilation is up to you, but you will want to find some kind of theme that ties the documents together. For example:
Comparing and Contrasting American Indians who chose NOT to assimilate in both time periods.
Comparing and Contrasting American Indians who chose TO assimilate in both time periods.
Evaluating the effectiveness of Assimilating versus Not Assimilating.
This is both a question and concern society focuses much attention on today, is there cultural assimilation in the United States or does the country still remain segregated.
The world continually refers back to these two case studies in order to weigh the pros and cons Assimilation Multiculturalism vs Assimilation :: Assimilationism vs Title: Multiculturalism vs Assimilation.
Césaire's response to the centuries-old alienation of blacks is a call to reject assimilation and reclaim their own racial heritage and qualities. He experiences his négritude as a fact, a revolt, and the acceptance of responsibility for the destiny of his race. He advocates the emergence of "cultural workers" who will reveal black specificity to the world by articulating their experiences, their fortunes and misfortunes. This consciousness of blacks' "being-in-the-world" will write them back into history and validate their achievements. It will restore the lost humanity, dignity, integrity, and subjectivity of black identity, necessary to confront colonialism, racism, and Western imperialism. He rejects assimilation and articulates the concept in his Cahier d'un retour au pays natal:
Damas (1912–1978) was the first of the Trois Péres to publish his own book of poems, Pigments (1937), which underscores the need to cure the ills of Western society and is sometimes referred to as the "manifesto of the movement." Its style and overtones passionately condemn racial division, slavery, and colonialist assimilation. For Damas, Négritude is a categorical rejection of an assimilation that negated black spontaneity as well as a defense for his condition as black and Guyanese. Becoming French requires loss, repression, and rejection of self as well as adoption of a civilization that robs indigenous cultures, values, and beliefs, as articulated in his poem "Limbé" in which the poet laments his losses:
To be more specific, there is evidence to support that Mexicans in Los Angeles, CA are assimilating at lower rates than any other race: “Now, a new study lays bare what sociologists and others have long argued: Mexican immigrants are assimilating to life in the United States less successfully than other immigrants” (Schulte 1).