There are three reasons why I disagree with this explanation. The first is that valuequestions are objective, and .The second reason is that this hypothesis fails to explain the clustering of politicalbeliefs described above. On the Divergent Fundamental Values theory, we should expectprevalent political belief clusters to correspond to different basic moral theories. Thus, thereshould be some core moral claim that unites all or most ‘liberal’ political beliefs, and adifferent moral claim that unites all or most ‘conservative’ political beliefs. Whatunderlying moral thesis supports the views that (a) capitalism is unjust, (b) abortion ispermissible, (c) capital punishment is bad, and (d) affirmative action is just? Here, I neednot claim that those beliefs always go together, but merely that they are correlated (if aperson holds one of them, he is more likely to hold another of them); the Divergent Valueshypothesis fails to explain this. And the earlier example of abortion and animal rights(section 2d) shows that in some cases, the political belief clusters we find are the oppositeof what we would expect from people who were correctly reasoning from fundamentalmoral theories.
This hypothesis invites the further question, why do people have different fundamentalvalues? If values are objective, then this question is just as puzzling as the initial question,“Why do people disagree about political issues?” But many people think that valuequestions have no objective answers, and that value is merely a matter of personal feelingsand preferences. This would tend to explain, or at least render it none too surprising, thatmany people have divergent values and are unable to resolve these value-differences.
Political issues are normative; they concern what people do: should abortion bepermitted?, should we cut the military budget?, and so on. Perhaps political disputespersist because people start from different fundamental values, and they correctly reason fromthose values to divergent political conclusions.
But note that, on this hypothesis, we would not expect the existence of an cluster of beliefs. That is, suppose that liberal beliefs are, in general, true, and that thisexplains why there are many people who generally embrace this cluster of beliefs. (Thus,affirmative action is just, abortion is permissible, welfare programs are good, capitalpunishment is bad, human beings are seriously damaging the environment, etc.) Whywould there be a significant number of people who tend to embrace the opposite beliefs onall these issues? It is not plausible to suppose that there are some people who are in generaldrawn toward falsity. Even if there are people who are not very good at getting to the truth(perhaps they are stupid, ignorant, etc.), their beliefs should be, at worst, to the truth;they should not be systematically directed from the truth. Thus, while there could bea ‘true cluster’ of political beliefs, the present consideration strongly suggests that neitherthe liberal nor the conservative belief-cluster is it.
Creating a Historical Narrative for a Spiritual N I show how Dubnow s Jewish nationalism and his political views derived, in Simon Dubnow, Nationalism and History: Essays on Old and New Judaism, edScripta Judaica_11-1-am indd pdfKey words: Semyon Dubnov, Twentieth-Century Jewish history, Russian Abstract: In this paper author explores Semyon Dubnov s position on Zionism To begin, I will summarize Dubnov s ideas on Jewish nationalism, then turn to the are many; most notably he wrote Letters on Old and New Judaism (Pis ma o staromYIVO | Dubnow, Simon - YIVO EncyclopediaDubnow s early essays called for sweeping Jewish cultural reforms in Russia in anticipation Dubnow shifted his position from the spiritual nationalism of Graetz and adopted, In 1896, Dubnow published his first history of the Jews, Vseobshchaia as Pis ma o starom i novom evreistve (Letters on Old and New Judaism)
Wecannot assume that the white race and the male gender always coincidesperfectly with wealth -- what about wealthy women, poor whites, and wealthynon-whites? It is plausible that campaign finance reform is being thwarted bycertain corporate interest groups, but exactly how are they doing this? Whatdoes the writer exactly mean by "powerful"? If she or he is referringto the way in which political representatives' voting records on reformsometimes correspond to their fund-raising activities in the private sector,then this argument should be developed in an explicit manner.
The theory of Rational Irrationality makes two main assumptions. First, individualshave (otherwise known as “biases”). That is, there are certainthings that people to believe, for reasons independent of the truth of thosepropositions or of how well-supported they are by the evidence. Second, individuals canexercise some control over their beliefs. Given the first assumption, there is a “cost” tothinking rationally—namely, that one may not get to believe the things one wants tobelieve. Given the second assumption (and given that individuals are usually rational), most people will accept this cost only if they receive greater benefits fromthinking rationally. But since individuals receive almost none of the benefit from beingepistemically rational about political issues, we can predict that people will often chooseto be epistemically irrational about political issues.
Thetone of the passage is far too casual, journalistic and cliché-ridden. Phrasessuch as "it's pretty obvious" or "some people say" do notbelong in an academic essay. "Its" ought to be spelled"it's." Contractions, such as "don't" should also not beused; write the long form ("do not") instead. The term, "thesystem," is a popular cliché that is far too vague. Which"system" are we dealing with here: the political parties, thebureaucracy, the private corporate sector, etc.? "Campaign financereform" is not defined. "Rich white men" is not an academicphrase. The student should be referring to specific socio-economic classes,such as the bourgeoisie, or even more precisely, specific parts of thebourgeois class, such as finance capitalists or industrialists.
The theory of Rational Irrationality holds that it is often rational to be irrational. In more colloquial (but less accurate) terms: people often thinkillogically because it is in their interests to do so. This is particularly common for politicalbeliefs. Consider one of Caplan’s examples. If I believe, irrationally, that trade between myself and other people is harmful,I bear the costs of this belief. But if I believe—also irrationally—thattrade between my country and other countries is harmful, I bear virtually none of thecosts of this belief. There is a tiny chance that my belief may have some effect on publicpolicy; if so, the costs will be borne by society as a whole;only a negligible portion of it will be borne by me personally. For this reason, I have anincentive to be more rational about the individual-level effects of trade than I amabout the general effects of trade between nations. In general, just as I receive virtually none ofthe benefit of my collecting of political information, so I receive virtually none of the benefitof my thinking rationally about political issues.
7. We expect youto abide by the plagiarism code of the university in all work that you submitto your professors for a grade. Note too that although I often require studentsto circulate their seminar papers to the members of the class e-mail list, andthat I often encourage political theory students to read exemplary studentpapers and theses that I place on reserve, you may not copy any material from astudent paper without providing a full citation to that work. Double submissionis also forbidden. This rule often raises a lot of questions in students'minds. If you anticipate that your paper might resemble another piece of workthat you have done/are doing for another course, please make an appointmentwith me to discuss the overlap situation.
Finally,the essay is skipping between too many complicated ideas too quickly. Again, itis entirely plausible that there is a connection between the lack of campaign financereform and voting participation rates. If the agendas of the Republicans andDemocrats are in fact influenced by wealthy interest groups first and foremost,then the large numbers of Americans who are not represented by those interestgroups will not see the issues that matter to them discussed and dealt with bythe two parties. Less wealthy Americans may therefore feel increasinglyalienated from politics, and those feelings of alienation may lead them to stopvoting altogether. However, a critic might say that the presence of third partyalternatives, or more responsive local and state party structures, or a popularsocial movement could nevertheless spur greater turn-out rates. The essay needsto engage with political theory texts, build each argument one at a time, givefull and careful treatment to each claim, construct the argument using clearlydefined academic terms, anticipate the objections of a critic, supportimportant factual claims with academic sources, and then clearly indicate howthe essay is moving logically on to the next point.