In 1936 a new Nisei group, the Japanese Canadian Citizens League (JCCL), despairing of gaining the provincial vote, sought instead to gain the federal franchise. While the JCCL delegation was permitted to speak to the Special Committee on Elections and Franchise Acts, the BC — except (CCF) members — persuaded the -dominated Committee to uphold the denial of the franchise. This outcome was not surprising given that the BC federal Liberal campaign slogan in the 1935 federal election had been: “A Vote for ANY CCF Candidate is a VOTE TO GIVE the CHINAMAN and the JAPANESE the same Voting Right that you have!”
After Dachau, Eisenmeyer recalled that captivity in British hands was ‘at times, a bit of a lark’, with trips to the cinema, football matches, a choir and a camp ‘university’ offering art classes. For artists, continuing professional practice was certainly possible. Admirably resourceful, they dug up clay for sculpture, ground brick dust with linseed oil or olive oil from sardine cans to make paint, saved brown parcel paper and toilet paper for drawing, and pulled up lino for linocuts which were run through a mangle. Sitters were readily available amongst fellow internees; the most notable portraitist was Dadaist, Kurt Schwitters, whose realist paintings are highlights of internment art, contrasting with his Merz sculptures, assembled from camp junk, porridge, lino and paint.
On 7 September 1907, five days ahead of the arrival of SS Monteagle from Punjab — a steamer carrying 901 to the CPR pier in — hostility toward Asian immigrants erupted. Whipped up by agitators from the Asiatic Exclusion League, a mob of 9,000 smashed windows and destroyed the homes and shops of Asian-Canadians in and Japantown. When the mob reached the Japantown section of Vancouver, they were driven away by Japanese immigrants who were veterans of the recent Russo-Japanese war. That success fuelled the “yellow peril” warnings of White supremacists and gave birth to their “big lie” that Japan was smuggling an army into Canada.
Japanese Canadians, both Issei immigrants and their Canadian-born children, called Nisei (second generation), have faced . Beginning in 1874, BC politicians pandered to White supremacists and passed a series of laws intended to force all Asians to leave Canada. All Asians were denied the : the in 1874, Japanese in 1895, and in 1907. Laws excluded Asians from underground , the and professions such as the practice of , which required the practitioner to be listed on the provincial voting lists. Labour and minimum-wage laws ensured that employers hired Asian Canadians only for menial jobs or farm labour, and paid them at lower pay-rates than Caucasians. When Asians worked harder and longer to earn a living wage, White accused Asian Canadians of unfair competition, stealing jobs and undermining union efforts to raise the living standards of White workers.
Many people believe that the Canadian Government treated the Japanese badly because of their skin color and ethnic origin.
In conclusion a majority of people feel that the Government acted upon the Japanese Canadians unfairly using segregation, discrimination and prejudice, to separate them from the rest of Canada.
Canadian military authorities and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police felt that there was little chance of a Japanese invasion and that were not a threat to national security.
In many peoples opinion the cancellation orders were 7 years too late.
There are many arguments which have arisen in Canada because of the Japanese Internment.
Influenced by Ian MacKenzie, the federal government adopted a stance and decided, under the provisions of the , to move Japanese-Canadians into a 160-km "safety zone" along the Pacific coast.
Although internment camps were associated with little freedom and the constant displeasure of being guarded, the Japanese were treated civilly. Despite the poor quality of their housing, they did have a roof above their heads. As well, they were given an education and could ask for permission to get money out of their accounts that were in the custody of the government. They were also allowed to be relocated to different internment camps with consent. As Frank Bernard stated, “Admittedly, this [internment] brought material hardship to many of the Japanese, but keeping everything in fair perspective and considering the alternatives, such as those practiced by the enemy, the Japanese were very fortunate.” The Japanese Canadians suffered, yet they were still treated as people, rather than inferiors who might be eliminated, just as the Nazis had done to the Jewish race.
The government called this land claim's.
After the internment and the war, the Prime Minister at the time Makenzie King started to deport Japanese back to Japan.
Deprived of their , Japanese Canadians lost all their possessions (houses, farms, fishing boats, companies and personal goods) which the government sold off to keep them from returning to British Columbia.
In 1988 the Canadian government, under Brian Mulroney, extended an official apology to Japanese-Canadians for the policies enacted against them.
War which began in 1939 and ended in 1945, with a death toll of approximately 50 million.
From a political point of view, the Canadian government had the legal right to intern the Japanese because of the War Measures Act and hence, a redress of the incident is not necessary. Since the act gave power to the Cabinet to do anything that seemed necessary, the orders to evacuate Japanese into interior British Columbia would have violated no laws and hence, it could not be considered as a wrong.
From a moral and sensible perspective, the justice of the Japanese Canadian internment issue was not as important in contrast to the assurance of safety among the majority. Since Japanese Canadians were seen as the threat to most of the people, the internment of them would be the appropriate decision and could not be considered a wrong that needed to be redressed.