The songs each expressed their views and thoughts of the National Party, for example the lyrics in Ndodemnyama that specifically called against Hendrik Verwoerd (2), the South African Prime Minister at the time.
Chapters 16 and 17 both focus on trade unionism. In Chapter 16 Jabulani Sithole explores the activities of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and labour struggles in South Africa and overseas during the 1980s. It looks at a number of crucial issues, including SACTU’s efforts to re-structure itself and re-locate its operational headquarters between Lusaka and to Dar es Salaam; the activities of SACTU’s internal committees; the establishment of its hegemony within the South African labour movement between 1984 and 1988; and SACTU’s activities in Canada, Western Europe, Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere in Africa. Finally, in a discussion that links chapter 16 to the next chapter, it looks at developments which preceded the decision to forge close ties between SACTU and COSATU. Chapter 17, compiled by Sifiso Ndlovu and Jabulani Sithole, then takes up the discussion. It assesses the trade union unity summits held in the 1980s, showing how these initiatives eventually laid the basis for the disbanding of SACTU and the absorption of its personnel into COSATU in 1990.
I don't like to admit having lots of anxiety, since I try to live a stress-free life, but it's hard to accept that I'm not completely swept up in it given the current circumstances.
The South African Congress of Trade Unions and labour struggles
in the 1980s
By Jabulani Sithole
Currently under the rule of the African National Congress (ANC) party, the South African government has recently published the National Health Insurance (NHI) Green Paper.
It is defined as a policy of racial segregation and “political and economic discrimination against non-European groups in the Republic of South Africa” (“Apartheid”)....
Despite its bulky size (which necessitated that it be divided into two parts) we readily acknowledge that a volume of this sort – given limited resources and time restraints – cannot cover all significant aspects of South African history during the period under study. Since it is more than likely that we have left out important areas of our country’s history in the decade, this volume, like its predecessors, must be viewed as a work in progress. Work has already begun on Volume 6 of the Road to Democracy in South Africa, which will cover the 1990s.
In the penultimate chapter on liberal democratic anti-apartheid activity within South Africa, Chris Saunders discusses aboveground activities that formed part of the resistance to apartheid and helped keep democratic values alive. Those involved were mainly members of the country’s intelligentsia, most of them white, relatively privileged and influential because of the positions they occupied. Significant liberal opposition was found in parliament in the 1980s, primarily driven by Helen Suzman, long the sole representative there of the Progressive Federal Party (PFP). Intellectuals at universities also took increasingly radical positions, with some supporting mass struggle and even the use of violence. It is also shown that certain lawyers demonstrated that they were true to their calling when they established the Legal Resources Centre as a public interest law firm to defend basic civil and human rights. The role of the media is also discussed in some detail.
Chapter 27 investigates the role of faith-based institutions in the struggle against apartheid. Siphamandla Zondi explains that many such formations were involved to varying degrees. There were thousands of Christian, Muslim, Hindu, Jewish, and indigenous African organisations that contributed to the fight against apartheid but Zondi focuses on the role of the most prominent Christian and Muslim organisations, namely the South African Council of Churches (SACC) and the Muslim Youth Movement (MYM). On a similar theme, Cedric Mayson’s chapter 28 gives a lively rendition of the ‘Story of the Christian Institute’, highlighting its diverse contribution to the liberation struggle and its close affinity with the ideology of Black Consciousness. The chapter also provides a sensitive study of Beyers Naudé’s leadership of the Christian Institute (CI).
The separate development known as “apartheid “was an economic and political system changed in late 1940s by the Afrikaans-led National Party and adding institutionalized in 1970s, which excluded the majority of citizens from political and economic participation....
Two essays on Black Consciousness-aligned movements are provided in chapters 24 and 25, both written jointly by Mbulelo Vizikhungo Mzamane and Bavusile Maaba. Chapter 24 discusses the fortunes of the Azanian People’s Organisation (AZAPO) which was formed in 1978 after the massive crackdown on virtually all BC organisations. It was an umbrella organisation which resolved to conscientise, politicise, and mobilise black people to strive for their legitimate rights. From its formation, AZAPO realised the supreme importance of labour in challenging apartheid-based capitalism. It was active in enforcing boycotts to isolate the regime from the international community and became heavily involved in the massive outbursts of sporadic violence countrywide in this troubled decade. The second of these two chapters (chapter 25) looks at the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCM), which as early as the 1970s began to engage in clandestine talks with the PAC and the ANC with the aim of forging unity with them. Nothing came of these efforts, and instead the BCM was plagued by issues of funding and recognition, competing for scarce resources from the same support groups that gave assistance to the ANC and PAC.
However that is where the shortage of skills in South Africa is evident, the youth are both uneducated; leaving a gap in the labour market, or the circle continues and they are educated with no employment.